UNIVERSITY PARK, Pa. — What does it mean to be Indigenous, and what would a world that broadly integrates Indigenous perspectives and knowledge look like? The next episode of HumIn Focus, a web series from Penn State’s Humanities Institute, will try to address these questions as they relate to the history and experiences of native peoples in the United States and South Africa.
The show premieres on WPSU TV tonight (Feb. 22) at 9 p.m. and will be available for streaming on the HumIn Focus website.
Penn State News spoke with Gabeba Baderoon, a South African researcher featured in the episode and associate professor of women’s, gender and sexuality studies, of African studies and of comparative literature, and Julie Reed, a citizen of the Cherokee Nation and associate professor of Native American and American history, about how their experiences as Indigenous scholars inform their thinking about Indigenous peoples and their work. We also spoke with Matt Jordan, executive producer of HumIn Focus and associate professor of film production and media studies, about why it is important for the series to address issues of heritage and history.
Q: How does your experience as an Indigenous scholar inform your thinking about Indigenous peoples and your research?
Baderoon: It’s interesting to be asked this question. I am Muslim and of slave descent in South Africa. This identification means I am of extremely mixed descent. Because there was a contiguity between the extreme violence of enslavement of people brought to the Cape from different territories around the Indian Ocean region, including East Africa, South Asia and Southeast Asia and the brutal conditions of enserfment and genocide to which Indigenous people were subjected at the colonial Cape, there was a high rate of conversion to Islam among Indigenous people. Being Muslim offered a realm of belief and community outside of the control of slaveowners and colonizers. I am therefore also of Indigenous descent.
However, “Malay” people — this word for Muslims of slave descent in South Africa does not mean people with an origin in Malaysia, but instead is derived from the fact that the Behasa Melayu language was a lingua franca, or bridge language, for enslaved people at the Cape, — like other people in South Africa, learned from dominant society to despise their Indigenous roots. So, many Muslim families strenuously evade or deny such relations and even their enslaved origins, instead tending to emphasize their Asian or European roots or the idea that they are descended from royalty and not enslaved people.
I recognized this as complicity with colonial ideas and refused to do so myself. But I had a problematic approach to identity, too. I have always emphasized my African roots and underplayed my Asian ones. I even felt that attending to my Asianness was to deny my Africanness. However, this is clearly not the case and I’ve rethought my view on the issue. Clearly, I am of partly Asian descent, probably even majority Asian descent, but being anxiously emphatic about my Africanness does not make me more African. I’m trying to live up to my own conviction in the value of complexity and relation. It was a beautiful thing for enslaved Africans and Asians to make community with enserfed Indigenous Africans during a time of extreme violence. My mixed Asian and African and even European origins — I know of at least one European ancestor who converted to Islam and married a Muslim ancestor — testify to the survival of my people during a time of pervasive brutality.
Today, I think of myself as a Muslim South African of enslaved descent of diverse origins, part of a fully recognized, valued and integrated community who have made it through apartheid, post-apartheid and Covid. No wonder a prominent Muslim anti-apartheid activist called Muslim South Africans the “luckiest Muslims in the world.”
Reed: My relationships with my family and my community have always guided my research questions. My first book was about how and why the Cherokee Nation chose to build social welfare institutions during the nineteenth century. Both my parents, my Cherokee father and white mother, worked for and committed themselves to institutions –– the military, public schools, churches –– for most of my life. My dad descends from Cherokee people who built Cherokee-controlled institutions and later committed themselves to institutions that were not always working for the best interests of Indigenous peoples. These tensions intrigue me. My second book examines core Cherokee educational practices over 400 years. Many of the questions I asked stemmed from having my daughter with me at archaeological sites. I wanted to write a book that acknowledged the value Cherokee people have always placed on education, even as how education defined by both Cherokee and non-Cherokee people was changing over time. I did this by foregrounding a girl in each chapter and chronicling what each girl would have learned in various classrooms over half a century pre- and post-forced removal. This book enabled me to honor the questions I asked of these sites as a mother to a Cherokee daughter and foreground Cherokee-centered definitions of education over time.